The Last Money Before the Vote: $551,000 on TV, $25,000 to Nassau County's Republican Party, Two-Thirds of His Individual Money Through AIPAC's Conduit, and $6,850 From the District.

Campaign Finance Source: FEC pre-general report (filed October 22, 2026) and nine 48-hour notices (October 16-30, 2026) DOCUMENTED PATTERN

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Why this matters

The last full picture of a campaign’s money before an election is the pre-general report, which covers October 1 through 14 and was due October 22. After that, any contribution of $1,000 or more must be disclosed within 48 hours. Rep. Langworthy’s campaign has now filed both. Together they show who paid for the final stretch, where the money came from, and where it went.

This site documented on October 16 that 55 cents of every dollar Rep. Langworthy raised this cycle came from political action committees and at most 17 cents from donors with addresses in the district. The October filings continue that pattern and add three things: a single $551,000 television buy, a $25,000 payment to the Republican committee of a county 350 miles from the district, and a two-week stretch in which about two-thirds of his itemized individual money arrived earmarked through AIPAC’s political action committee.

The pre-general report in numbers

Langworthy for Congress, October 1 through 14, 2026:

Raised$53,220
Spent$622,785
Cash on hand, October 14$1,994,177
From individuals$26,220
From PACs and committees$26,000
Cycle contributions through Oct. 14$2,301,824
PAC share of cycle contributions53.8%

It was the smallest fundraising period of his cycle; every quarterly report since January 2025 showed between $296,000 and $427,000 in receipts. His cash on hand fell from $2,563,742 on September 30 to $1,994,177 on October 14, the first time this cycle the balance went down.

In plain language: in the first two weeks of October the campaign spent nearly twelve times what it raised and still had two million dollars left.

Where his October money came from

Individuals: $26,220. Of the $25,700 that was itemized, $16,600 came from 18 donors whose contributions are marked “earmarked (non-directed) through American Israel Public Affairs Committee PAC,” and another $750 through the Republican Jewish Coalition PAC and WinRed. Nearly all of the AIPAC-earmarked donors list addresses in Scarsdale, New Rochelle, Harrison, Larchmont, Purchase and other Westchester County towns, or in New York City. None of them is in the district.

Donors with addresses in NY-23 ZIP codes gave $6,850 in the period, from six contributions: $3,500 from a Williamsville homemaker (first recorded to her husband, then reattributed to her), $1,500 from a Williamsville retiree, $1,000 from an Ellicottville business owner, $500 from Silver Creek, $250 from Waverly and $100 from Williamsville. That is 26.7 percent of itemized individual money.

PACs and committees: $26,000. $5,000 each from the American Institute of CPAs, SpaceX and UPS; $2,500 each from BASF and the Barona Band of Mission Indians; $1,000 each from AbbVie, Vertex Pharmaceuticals, the NRA Victory Fund, the Meat Institute, Lyondell Chemical and the American Supply Association.

Party: $1,000.

Where it went

$551,000 to Strategic Media Placement Inc. of Delaware, Ohio, on October 9, for “media buy.” This is the campaign’s only television payment of the cycle through October 14. It is 88 percent of the period’s spending.

$25,000 to the Nassau County Republican Committee of Westbury, Long Island, on October 9, for “political contribution.” Nassau County is not in the district or anywhere near it. The payment is the largest his campaign has made to any county party committee this cycle. For comparison, the Erie County Republican Committee, his home county’s, received $11,500 in political contributions across the whole cycle plus $7,000 in event sponsorships. The Nassau County executive is Bruce Blakeman, the Republican nominee for governor; on October 28, Blakeman and Langworthy made a five-stop “Fire Hochul” tour of the district from Owego to Lakewood. The filing states no purpose beyond “political contribution,” and this entry draws no connection between the payment and the tour. Both are facts in the public record, nineteen days apart.

$22,900 to IFA Holdings LLC of Arlington, Virginia, on October 2, for “survey research.” A poll, two days before early voting opened.

$10,000 to Capelianis Consulting for finance consulting, and $6,082 to D&D Printing of Buffalo.

The 48-hour notices: $79,500 in two weeks

From October 15 through 29 his campaign filed nine notices covering 45 contributions of $1,000 or more.

$42,000 from 21 committees and firms: $5,000 each from COLEPAC and the LPL Financial PAC; $4,000 from the American Chemistry Council; $3,500 from the Seneca Nation of Indians; $2,500 each from Morgan Stanley, Heidelberg Materials, the Cement PAC and the Republican Italian American Committee; $2,000 from the Independent Community Bankers; $1,500 from the law firm Phillips Lytle; and $1,000 each from the property-casualty insurers’ PAC, the Association for Accessible Medicines, State Farm, FishPAC, Pharmavite, the egg producers’ PAC, the soybean growers’ PAC, the general contractors' PAC, GSK, the law firm Florio Perrucci, and the state Senate campaign committee of Mike Ranzenhofer.

$37,500 from 24 individuals. Three of them list addresses in the district: $2,500 from a Lakewood retiree, $2,500 from an Elma retiree and $1,000 from a Hamburg office manager. Nineteen thousand dollars came from elsewhere in New York, mostly Westchester and Rochester. $12,500 came from out of state, including $5,500 from three donors who list their occupation as “lobbyist”: $3,000 from Salt Point Strategies, $1,500 from a self-employed lobbyist in Charleston, South Carolina, and $1,000 from Mehlman Consulting. The two largest out-of-state gifts, $3,500 from Birmingham, Alabama, and $1,000 from Naples, Florida, list occupation and employer as “information requested.”

The cycle, through October 14

Langworthy
Total contributions$2,301,824
From PACs and other committees$1,239,027 (53.8%)
From individuals$1,055,235 (45.8%)
Of which itemized$977,879
Transfers to the NRCC$125,000
Contributions from the campaign to other candidates’ committees$14,500, to 8 committees
Contributions from his leadership PAC, Circle the Wagons, to candidates$127,500, to 40 committees

The PAC share was 54.6 percent on September 30 and is 53.8 percent now. Through September 30, this site found at most 17 cents of each dollar from donors with district addresses; the October filings do not move that.

The fair reading

Everything above is legal, disclosed, and in most respects ordinary for a House incumbent.

Earmarking through a PAC is how AIPAC’s members give to candidates; the money is the donors’ own, and each donor chose him. Conduit giving is routine on both sides of the aisle, and $152,913 of his own individual money this cycle came through WinRed the same way. The pre-general period is two weeks; across the whole cycle, 36 donors gave $42,400 earmarked through AIPAC’s PAC, 4.3 percent of his itemized individual money, and the PAC itself gave $10,000 directly, the legal maximum.

A $551,000 television buy in October is what a two-million-dollar campaign is for. Polling is routine. Transfers to the NRCC and to other candidates, from the campaign and from his leadership PAC, are what members in safe seats are expected to do, and he has done it generously. Paying a county party committee is lawful and common, and the entry does not know why Nassau County’s committee received $25,000 from a Western New York campaign; the filing does not say, and no inference is drawn.

A two-million-dollar balance in the last two weeks is the ordinary condition of a House incumbent, and a slow fundraising fortnight while the money is being spent is ordinary too.

What the filings document is the pattern this site recorded on October 16, continued to the end: more than half the money from PACs, a small fraction from the district, and in the final stretch, individual money that came mostly from Westchester and Washington and lobbyists, and a quarter-million-dollar line that leads to Long Island.

Questions this raises

  1. What was the $25,000 payment to the Nassau County Republican Committee for?
  2. In the two weeks before early voting, eight contributions came from addresses in the district and 18 came earmarked through AIPAC’s PAC from Westchester and New York City. Does the campaign consider that representative of its support?
  3. Three of the 24 large donors in the 48-hour notices are lobbyists, and two of the largest have no occupation on file. Will the campaign disclose who they are before the election?

Sources

Note: This entry documents publicly available information from the campaign’s own electronic filings with the Federal Election Commission, parsed directly from the raw files, and from local news coverage of a public campaign event. All figures are as filed and may be amended. Donor ZIP codes are matched to the district using a Census relationship file, which approximates ZIP boundaries; unitemized gifts under $200 have no address and are excluded from the location figures. The entry makes no allegation of unlawful conduct, draws no connection between any contribution or payment and any official act or campaign event, and credits in “The fair reading” everything the record supports on the campaign’s side.

Correction, October 31, 2026 (same day): an earlier version of this entry gave the period’s spending as $597,785, which is the report’s operating-expenditure line; total disbursements, including the $25,000 Nassau County payment, were $622,785, and the television buy is 88 percent of that, not 92. The earlier version also attributed “$142,000 to 33 other candidates’ committees” to the campaign; $127,500 of that came from his leadership PAC, Circle the Wagons PAC, whose filings sit in the same research folder. The campaign itself gave $14,500 to eight committees. The “raised” figure, cash on hand, the donor figures and the Nassau and NRCC figures are unchanged.

Last updated: October 31, 2026