No In-Person Town Hall Since 2023. 55 Cents of Every Campaign Dollar Comes From PACs, and at Most 17 Cents From Donors With Addresses in His District.

Campaign Finance / Constituent Access Source: Statement to WSKG; FEC filings; Census ZIP-to-district file DOCUMENTED PATTERN

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Why this matters

A town hall is where anyone in a district can ask a representative a question in person, with neighbors listening. Rep. Langworthy has not held an in-person public town hall since he took office in January 2023. He says he stays in touch in other ways.

Campaign records cannot show who has his attention or what influences his decisions, and this entry does not claim to. They can show who pays for his campaigns. Through September 30, 2026, most of that money came from political action committees, and a small share came from donors with addresses in NY-23. Set next to how constituents can reach him, that is information voters can weigh for themselves.

Statement

Source: Statement to WSKG, April 2025, after constituents held an “empty seat” town hall for him in Corning:

“Since being elected to Congress, I have held telephone [town halls] on a monthly basis and I will continue to do so. This has been a very successful and effective method of reaching all the constituents of NY-23. Each month, my office dials out to 100,000 phone numbers in addition to advertising the call-in number so virtually anyone can call in on their own as well. I am very transparent with my positions and communicate with our district on a constant basis not only with tele [town halls] but through a weekly newsletter, regular news interviews, and community events. My offices answers thousands of constituents every week with calls, emails, letters, and meetings so I am very in tune with the concerns and opinions of my constituents.”

The money: last quarter

His campaign’s report for July 1 through September 30, 2026, filed October 13:

SourceAmountShare of contributions
PACs and other political committees$175,546.6464.2%
Individuals, itemized (over $200)$89,085.0032.6%
Individuals, unitemized (under $200)$8,972.063.3%
Total contributions$273,603.70

Total receipts for the quarter were $296,167.57, including transfers from joint fundraising committees and investment income. He ended the quarter with $2,563,741.93 in cash.

The money: the whole cycle

All eight of his campaign’s reports for 2025-26 (January 1, 2025 through September 30, 2026):

SourceAmountShare
PACs and other political committees$1,201,226.6554.6%
Party committees$6,462.000.3%
Individuals, itemized$924,328.9642.0%
Individuals, unitemized$67,522.703.1%
Total contributions$2,199,540.31

In plain language: for every dollar given to his campaign this cycle, about 55 cents came from PACs and 45 cents from individuals.

Where the individual money comes from

Itemized donors list an address. We matched each donor’s ZIP code to the congressional district it falls in, using the Census Bureau’s file that maps ZIP code areas to the 119th Congress’s districts. Some ZIP codes are split between NY-23 and a neighboring district; those are counted separately.

Donor’s ZIP codeCycle totalShare of all contributions
Entirely inside NY-23$194,775.258.9%
Split between NY-23 and another district$118,677.005.4%
Elsewhere in New York$329,178.9115.0%
Outside New York$259,012.8011.8%
New York, ZIP code not matched$22,685.001.0%

Unitemized gifts, 3.1 percent of contributions, carry no address. Even if every one of them came from NY-23, and every split ZIP code counted as NY-23, people living in the district would account for at most $380,975, or 17.3 percent of what his campaign raised this cycle. Counting only ZIP codes entirely inside the district, the figure is 8.9 percent, or 9.5 percent if Elma’s 14059, which lies almost entirely in NY-23, is counted as inside. (Totals are gross of refunds; the unmatched row includes a $20,000 Manhattan contribution, $13,000 of which the campaign refunded.) The last quarter looks the same: 9.1 percent from ZIP codes entirely inside NY-23, and at most 17.4 percent.

Lobbyists and government-affairs professionals. Donors who list their own occupation or employer as lobbyist, government affairs, government relations (including abbreviations such as “gov’t affairs”), public affairs or public policy gave his campaign $70,850 this cycle, from 44 donors. Of that, $59,300, or 84 percent, came from Virginia and Washington, D.C., and $2,300 from New York. Donors at lobbying firms who list themselves only as “consultant” are not counted.

In plain language: PACs give more than half of his campaign money. Of the rest, the largest shares come from donors in other parts of New York and outside the state. Donors with addresses in NY-23 provide between about 9 and 17 cents of every dollar.

How constituents can reach him

  • No in-person public town hall since January 2023. WSKG reported in April 2025 that he “has not held an in-person town hall since he took office in 2023,” and the site’s earlier reporting found none through May 2026. A web search of news coverage on October 16, 2026 found no report of an in-person town hall since.
  • Monthly telephone town halls. His office says it dials out to 100,000 phone numbers each month and advertises a call-in number. He opened his September 1, 2026 call: “welcome to this month’s telephone town hall meeting.” The site has documented same-day notice and postponements for these calls.
  • Other channels he cites: a weekly newsletter, news interviews, community events, and office calls, emails, letters and meetings.

The fair reading, at full strength

  • A high PAC share is common for incumbents. Among 26 New York House members with 2026 reports in the FEC’s summary file, his 54.6 percent PAC share ranks seventh. Rep. Andrew Garbarino (R) is higher, and so are four Democrats: Reps. Paul Tonko, Gregory Meeks, Yvette Clarke and Joseph Morelle. Rep. Claudia Tenney (R) is also higher. (The file’s coverage runs through June 30 or September 30 depending on the member; the ranking counts the 26 incumbents who have raised more than $100,000, including Rep. Laura Gillen, whom the file still flags as a challenger.)
  • “Outside the district” is often next door. NY-23 includes only part of Erie County. The City of Buffalo’s ZIP codes fall in the neighboring NY-26 in the Census file, so Buffalo donors count here as “elsewhere in New York.”
  • We did not compute the in-district share for other members, so this entry does not say his is unusually low.
  • The location data is approximate. Census ZIP code areas do not match postal ZIP codes exactly, and donors list mailing addresses, which can differ from where they live.
  • Money is not the same as influence. The records show who funds his campaign. They do not show what any donor asked for or received, and this entry makes no such claim.
  • He does offer other ways to reach him, and says thousands of constituents contact his offices every week.
  • He has explained why he skips constituent-organized events. In the same statement he called them a “nationally driven leftwing charade of fake town hall meetings” organized under “the umbrella of the Indivisible network.” The Corning organizers, Citizens for a Better Southern Tier, told WSKG they are not part of Indivisible and receive no funding from it.

Questions this raises

  1. He says telephone town halls reach “all the constituents of NY-23.” Will he hold an in-person public town hall before the November 3 election?
  2. Will his office publish a schedule and recordings of every telephone town hall, including canceled and postponed ones?
  3. With more than half his campaign money coming from PACs, will he disclose his meetings with the PACs’ sponsoring organizations and their lobbyists?

Sources

Note: This entry documents publicly available information from Federal Election Commission filings, the Census Bureau, WSKG and Rep. Langworthy’s own statements. It makes no claim about motive or influence. Corrections with sources are welcome at [email protected].

Last updated: October 16, 2026